
Speech delivered by Miguel Mario Díaz-Canel Bermúdez, First Secretary of the Communist Party of Cuba Central Committee and President of the Republic, at the closing of the Extraordinary Plenum of the Communist Party of Cuba Central Committee, at the Palace of the Revolution, on 17 June 2026, "Year of the Centenary of Commander-in-Chief Fidel Castro Ruz".
(Shorthand Versions - Presidency of the Republic)
Comrades, members of the Party Central Committee;
Guests;
Compatriots:
This Extraordinary Plenum is meeting on decisive days for Cuba. Proud heirs of the Commander-in-Chief's legacy, Cuban revolutionaries today face challenges of enormous magnitude that demand unity, ideological firmness, courage, audacity and creative resistance.
We have the guidance of our leader, a prominent member of the vanguard of the Centenary Generation and zealous guardian of the continuity of the socialist Revolution that he contributed decisively to building from its foundations to the present day, Army General Raúl Castro Ruz, Hero of the Republic of Cuba, who has taught us every day the sacred value of unity.
The context is extraordinarily complex and challenging due to the unceasing aggressiveness of the tightened economic, commercial and financial blockade imposed by the United States Government and the criminal purpose of the current administration's hostile actions: firstly, the inclusion of Cuba on the infamous and spurious list of countries that allegedly sponsor terrorism, and other equally false accusations that seek to discredit the authority and management of the Government, while depriving the country of any source of foreign currency income.
A blockade further tightened by the Executive Orders of 29 January and 1 May, which support the genocidal energy siege and internationalise the blockade with secondary sanctions, financial persecution, energy and investment restrictions to extremes of maximum pressure.
At the same time, political-ideological subversion is intensified through media poisoning on social networks to damage the credibility of the Revolution, among Cubans and foreigners, stimulating social disorientation in a national and international scenario impacted by profound transformations in the socio-economic structure and global geopolitics, as a consequence of the unlimited powers of a hegemonic imperial policy that seeks to tear multilateralism apart, feeds neofascist currents and sharpens global tensions, constantly threatening international peace and security and attempting to break the indispensable unity of left-wing forces.
The silent genocide that has been undertaken against Cuba causes immeasurable damage and terrible limitations in our daily life as a people, while its perpetrators lie shamelessly to the world, denying the energy siege and claiming that we prohibit the entry of millions in donations, which they announce loudly and of which they have barely delivered anything promised.
Cuba resists heroically and creatively, but has suffered for too long a barbaric, undeserved, unbearable punishment, to which is now added the threat of military aggression as a new weapon against collective resistance.
Cuba faces a cruel blockade and real, daily financial persecution that makes every drop of fuel, every medicine, every food, every part and every technology the country needs more expensive.
Reality imposes urgent and necessary changes on us. And when people's lives become so hard, the first duty of the Communist Party and the revolutionary Government is not to better explain the crisis, but to change what must be changed to get out of it.
A deep and agile economic agenda is needed, executable in the short term, combining macroeconomic stabilisation, incentives to stimulate and promote productive openness, legal security, attraction of investment, intensive use of technology and focused and effective social protection.
Let us remember that at the closing of the 11th Plenum, we stated that the postponement of the Congress did not limit the possibility of making the necessary changes, modifications and movements, taking into account the powers of the Party and Government structures, such as the Plenums of the Central Committee, when it comes to agreements adopted by Party congresses.
This has been intensively worked on, based on the valuable report and debate of the ANEC Congress, the popular consultation on the Economic and Social Programme for 2026, the criteria of economists and experts, the debates and contributions made by the Economic Commission of the Party Central Committee, the Guidelines of the Economic and Social Policy approved and updated at the Sixth, Seventh and Eighth Party Congresses, the proposals of the 11th Plenum of the Central Committee and the work carried out by the commissions that have been preparing the documents for the postponed Ninth Party Congress, for known reasons, regarding the updating of the Conceptualisation of the Economic and Social Model, the Guidelines and the National Economic and Social Development Plan up to 2030.
Furthermore, a study has been carried out of the experiences of socialist construction in other countries such as China and Vietnam, and artificial intelligence has also been used to deepen the search for references and evaluate the proposals in relation to our current laws and regulations.
The aim is to face the enormous challenge of continuing to advance in the process of socialist construction, the defence of the Revolution and its achievements, and the improvement of our society, under the conditions of a country subjected to the cruellest, most genocidal and longest-lasting economic, financial, energy and commercial blockade, exercised by the most powerful nation in the world. And to overcome that, the legacy we have is that of our Commander-in-Chief, Fidel Castro Ruz (Applause).
No one in human history has had as a challenge socialism under the conditions that this country, this nation and these people currently have to build it! That challenge, without a doubt, we are going to overcome with unity, with courage, popular participation and full conviction in our capacity to achieve victory.
The transformations we are presenting are to advance in the defence of socialism, to support and expand social justice, to create economic wealth and distribute it equitably. If there is no wealth, there is nothing to distribute; we would be talking about social justice in abstract. Social justice, as conceived by the Revolution, with its humanist vocation, helps those who are most disadvantaged, generally through welfare programmes and projects that are free for individuals but cost the State. To do this, to deepen it, to sustain it, to maintain it, the State needs wealth, and we have to produce that wealth ourselves. If there is no wealth, there is no social justice, and everything else is a fairy tale! Either we produce under these conditions, create wealth and then distribute with social justice, with equity, not with egalitarianism. That is the challenge!
We need to unleash the productive forces, so that there is more production rather than more restriction, because it is proven that control without supply only displaces operations to the informal market.
Equality and integration of economic actors is necessary, in line with the National Economic and Social Development Plan up to 2030 and the territorial and local development strategies, involving state enterprises, MSMEs, cooperatives, agricultural producers, foreign and Cuban investors, residents and non-residents: all must act and contribute under clear rules to the country's socio-economic development.
We must export and produce to capture and obtain foreign currency and make productive use of it. Every foreign currency that enters must have paths to finance production, imports, investment, wages and infrastructure.
Legal security must be guaranteed: contracts, usufructs, leases, concessions, surface rights and licences, with temporal stability and protection against arbitrary changes. Without legal security, no one invests, no one takes risks.
We must promote digitalisation with traceability: electronic invoicing, digital payments, public records and interoperable data as a basis for reducing evasion and corruption.
Social protection must be prioritised: replacing inefficient generalised subsidies with direct support to vulnerable people. Always attentive to ensure that each action does not increase social inequalities; on the contrary, that they are gradually reduced until they disappear.
Act with selective and intelligent openness: attract technology, financing, markets and external knowledge, protecting strategic sectors through regulation, not through immobilism.
Gradualism and experimentation are necessary: reform by phases and verifiable pilots, maintaining state leadership and correcting course with evidence to deal with and minimise possible economic and social costs.
Also indispensable are political unity to guarantee consistency and credibility of the measures, clear and precise communication of the decisions to be implemented, to gain support for the transformations, as well as the adoption of compensatory mechanisms to mitigate economic and social impacts.
We must work with agility, coherence and quality, and above all with control. Ensure that what is approved is implemented properly.
In this scenario, it is necessary to advance on at least five fronts simultaneously:
Macroeconomic stabilisation and recovery of external income.
Transformation of the Economic and Social Model.
Stimulation and recovery of the agricultural productive sector.
Strengthening of accounting and cost management.
Foresight and mitigation of the social costs associated with the necessary transformations of the Economic and Social Model.
And these five aspects are very well developed in the report presented by ANEC at its last congress.
The Commander-in-Chief taught us that in times of crisis, we could not renounce either development or thought, that there is no insurmountable obstacle and that there is always an opportunity to grow. And on that path, the Army General showed us that it is possible, it was possible, and it will always be possible.
The people know the causes of many of the difficulties we face, but they also need concrete answers, timely decisions and results that are felt in everyday life.
Some obstacles do not come from outside or from the blockade. There is slowness, bureaucracy, regulations that hold back those who want to produce, and decisions we have postponed. What depends on us, we must change ourselves, and we must change it now.
Resistance has given us the homeland, but today, resistance alone is not enough. This time demands that we transform, produce more, unlock more, listen more, decide better and render accounts.
What we propose to set in motion is an emergency economic and social agenda, with measures that are part of our Government Programme and policies approved by the Party, along with decisions that cannot wait any longer. Some will not have absolute consensus, but they are unavoidable. And every one of them will have a named individual responsible, a defined deadline, an indicator to measure compliance, and public accountability before the country.
What works will be expanded. What does not work will be corrected without delay. Whoever has a responsibility will have to account for it, and when someone cannot fulfil what this moment demands, they must step aside, responsibly, for someone who can do better.
We are going to face this process as the challenge of the generations that today share the defence of the Homeland, the Revolution and Socialism.
Regarding the Economic Management System, I want to emphasise that the most important thing is that central planning, if we adopt these transformations, would not have the function of administering the economy, but of creating an appropriate institutional and regulatory environment so that enterprises and workers are stimulated to produce goods and provide services with quality and efficiency, as well as to introduce innovations in their management for these purposes.
And we definitely have to ensure that the Plan is built from the bottom up with the participation of workers.
We will continue the restructuring of the Government, State, Party and institutional apparatus. We are going to integrate structures where necessary, review duplicated functions, reduce unnecessary steps and permanently optimise the way the country is directed and served. Making structures more dynamic, more proactive and less bureaucratic.
One of the most important and urgent tasks is to boost the country's development from the grassroots, from the municipalities.
It is unavoidable to unleash management in municipalities and for them to finally have and apply all possible powers to develop.
No economic change will be sufficient if the socialist state enterprise, which will continue to be the fundamental pillar of the economy, does not have a genuine capacity to manage, innovate and be accountable for its results.
Reforming state enterprise management based on real autonomy, economic-financial evaluation, separation of state and business functions, and application of the principle "comply or explain" to prevent regulations from becoming a brake when a more beneficial and demonstrable solution exists, is necessary.
To this end, we will advance in two directions: more real autonomy for enterprises and more professional management of State assets, through the National Institute of Business Assets, responsible for representing the owner of the means of production, evaluating results, demanding efficiency, and better separating the business function from the regulatory function of ministries.
Autonomy does not mean absence of control; it implies a framework of accountability; it means being able to decide in time, associate better, invest better, pay better and be accountable for results to the people and to the State.
The state enterprise needs to be strengthened, not replaced by administrative mechanisms that immobilise it. To this end, the separation between state and business functions must be completed, performance must be evaluated with economic-financial tools, and real autonomy must be granted to manage material, financial and human resources, with subsequent control, transparency and accountability.
There is no sovereignty with an empty plate. The food of the Cuban people will be treated for what it is: a matter of national security.
And idle lands must end in Cuba. Every piece of land that today is covered in marabú, when it should be producing food, will have to have a clear response: either it is put into production, or it is handed over to someone willing to do so.
We are going to expand the granting of land in usufruct to those willing and able to produce: producers, cooperatives, MSMEs and associative forms, without ever renouncing national sovereignty or regressing to the dependent country we left behind with the Revolution.
We are going to recognise the right of those who work the land to invest in what they need to make it produce, and for those who commit to real results, to be able to directly import seed, fertiliser, parts, and equipment. But a principle must be clear: that land will continue to belong to the people; and if it does not produce, if it does not serve the country, if it does not fulfil its social function, it will have to pass into the hands of those who can put it to produce.
The Cuban peasant cannot continue to be asked for more food with fewer tools and prices below their costs; they must have functioning mechanisms for direct access to foreign currency, such as selling to exporters, as in the case of Tourism, or to the currency exchange market.
We must make land an opportunity and not a burden, so that those who sow see the fruit of their effort, those who produce can live better, and those who invest in the countryside find security, support and a future.
Cuba needs its peasants, their work and their trust. When the Cuban countryside becomes a path to prosperity for those who work it, the country will be stronger, fairer and more sovereign.
Regarding foreign trade, exports, logistics and value chains, we must authorise direct import and export for state and non-state enterprises, productive, exporting or substituting imports, maintaining technical and fiscal requirements, but eliminating compulsory intermediation.
Regarding debt renegotiation, we must conduct a debt-for-asset swap process, fundamentally focused on swapping national assets for debts, without alienating their ownership in perpetuity. With this mechanism, financing and other benefits can be achieved without losing the right of ownership over the assets.
We must also use other mechanisms that can be explored, such as debt-for-nature or debt-for-social-development swaps, issuance of Sustainable Development Goal bonds and others.
We are going to comprehensively review the list of activities prohibited for the private sector with a clear principle: substitute, whenever possible, prohibition with responsible regulation. The country needs to open legal paths, with clear rules and adequate controls for these activities.
We are also going to relax the scope of the corporate purpose of MSMEs and other economic actors, and significantly alleviate the bureaucratic burden that many entrepreneurs face today; and, in addition, we must speed up the creation of economic partnerships between state and non-state management forms.
Foreign investment is also trapped in a grid of obstacles that hinder its necessary growth. We must not only tell foreign investors where to invest, but also let them have the initiative to invest in the economic sector of their interest, as well as directly choose their workers without state intermediaries.
We must authorise direct foreign investment in the national private sector, including MSMEs, with clear rules on ownership, repatriation, reinvestment and dispute resolution.
We must facilitate investment models with different modalities and with all actors by Cubans living in Cuba. And to the Cuban resident abroad who wants to invest, donate, import technology, open a market, start a project in their land, we will offer a clear, stable and respectful framework, without them being looked at with suspicion for wanting to help their own or contribute to the development of the land that saw them born. To those who want to build with Cuba, without intending to impose anything, we say with our heart in our hands: here you have your home, and here you have the door open, because this homeland, at this hour, does not have a single good Cuban to spare (Applause).
The blackout is not just a problem of megawatts or generation deficit. The blackout is the child who couldn't study for the test, the food that spoiled in the refrigerator, the elderly person who stays up all night without rest and in the heat. It is the hospital working at the limit, the clinic that cannot keep a medicine, the worker who loses their workday, and the establishment that has to close. That is why energy is not a technical issue; it is a human, economic and national issue.
We are going to accelerate the incorporation of solar energy into the national economy, as we have been doing. To achieve this, we will facilitate the direct entry of foreign companies that supply panels, batteries, inverters and associated solutions, reducing intermediaries that increase costs for the population and the country.
Tariffs on the import of solar technologies, storage systems,s and equipment intended for energy saving have already been eliminated. We will now also move forward with the elimination of taxes on their sale and on services related to their installation and maintenance.
In addition, we will create credit and financing mechanisms so that these solutions are not accessible only to a few, but can progressively reach homes, MSMEs, medical clinics, educational centres, care homes for the elderly and other essential services for the population. And in this, our Cuban companies and technicians, state and private, will be at the centre, installing, maintaining, repairing, integrating and creating jobs. Cuban companies can specialise in the installation, integration, operation and support of these technologies.
We will promote electric transport linked to renewable sources. Any electric vehicle for public, private or light cargo transport that demonstrates it operates wholly or mostly with solar energy will be eligible for special incentives, tariff exemptions, elimination of taxes on its sale and facilities to import chargers, batteries, parts and associated solutions.
We will also promote the installation of charging stations throughout the country with foreign, private, cooperative and state investment, prioritising urban routes, tourist hubs, productive zones and essential services. Alongside this, we will establish an expedited route for granting transport, electric taxi or associated mobility service licences, under clear rules, technical control, road safety and transparent prices.
The priority, before any other, is people who cannot wait for the economy to improve, because there are people who do not understand deadlines. True social justice is not sustained on artificial prices that later end up becoming scarcity, queues, low wages and illegal markets.
Social justice is built on real bases, incomes with purchasing power, direct protection for those who need it most and a national economy capable of producing more. There are no shortcuts. These are not new ideas; they are decisions the country discussed and approved years ago. The mistake was not in proposing them, but in having postponed them, and that stage of postponement must end.
The basic basket will be guaranteed for pensioners, for families with chronically ill children, and for vulnerable people. Targeted programmes will be developed for social transformation in the poorest neighbourhoods. We must give the state and private business sector greater protagonism and incentives to get involved in solving prioritised local problems, such as soup kitchens, sanitation, centres for children without family support, among others. They will have new concrete tasks with these decisions: bringing payment to pensioners close to their homes so they don't have to queue for hours under the sun; sponsoring soup kitchens, care homes, day centres for the elderly and children's centres; creating solidarity quotas and cost prices for those who truly need them; digitalising everything so it is known who contributes, who receives and what results it gives.
For years, we operated under a logic of contained wages, regulated prices and a State that subsidised a huge part of the country's economic life. That formula had its reason, its context, its results and its moment, but it does not respond to the complex reality we live in. The prices a family faces have diverged too much from what a worker or pensioner earns, and we cannot continue acting as if that gap did not exist.
We will also open new avenues for safe access to medicines.
Regarding fiscal, tax, monetary policy and financial restructuring, I propose that the main objective for reducing the fiscal deficit lies in increasing production, which is the basis of taxes, and reducing unnecessary Budget expenditure. That is why we are also going to correct a policy that did not give the expected results.
Price caps, in practice, did not manage to contain inflation. They often led to the disappearance of products, diversion into illegality, higher prices, less tax collection and an impossible race between real prices and administrative decisions that always arrived late or remained unchanged in ignorance of the changing economic reality, limiting all those who wish to develop their economic activity within the legal and transparent framework. Therefore, we are not going to continue capping prices in a general way, as the Prime Minister explained. Distortions in the tax system that currently make production chains more expensive and end up being passed on to the final price must be corrected.
We will move towards a credible and supported Value Added Tax (VAT), progressively supported by electronic invoicing, to avoid cascading taxation. But these decisions can only be applied together with more direct, more effective social protection, with the transition from subsidising products to subsidising people, and with the effort to recover the purchasing power of wages and pensions. It is not about leaving anyone alone in the market; it is about protecting better, producing more, regulating intelligently and organising realistically.
We need a financial system that supports the economy, is functional for the different economic actors, reduces queues, facilitates payments, makes operations transparent and turns savings, credit and investment into concrete development tools.
To deeply modernise the country's banking and financial system. For this, Cuba needs more agile banks, more digital, closer to the people and more useful for those who produce, export, import, invest or undertake.
We are going to open spaces, under strict regulation, to private and foreign financial institutions; new mechanisms for credit, productive financing, development of financial markets and payment services, where state, cooperative and private actors can participate. The aim is that collecting a pension, receiving a remittance from abroad, paying for a service, applying for a loan, financing a harvest, buying equipment or moving money to produce should not be an obstacle course.
Allow accounts abroad, foreign currency payments between companies and auditable international operations for actors who import, export or provide global services.
It is not about weakening the role of the State, but about expanding and modernising the country's capacities to finance production, support those who generate goods and services, organise money flows and provide a better service to our people.
We will turn digital transformation, software and artificial intelligence into cross-cutting tools to develop agriculture, the energy sector, health, education, foreign trade, banking, digital commerce, logistics, tourism and oversight.
Specific proposals for software, artificial intelligence, the knowledge economy and the digital economy must be presented as cross-cutting infrastructure to raise national productivity. It is not just about exporting software, but about digitalising payments, taxes, foreign trade, agriculture, health, energy, logistics, government and statistics.
Regarding tourism and real estate business, new business modalities must be applied, with the participation of all economic actors. Develop a regulated, productive real estate market that includes: leasing of idle state premises, rental of buildings, premises, warehouses, storage, offices, tourist facilities, workshops and industrial spaces, concessions, right of use over properties and transparent tenders for state, private, cooperative or mixed actors.
We have talked about fuel imports and everything that has been opened to the private sector, but now it is about achieving it with reasonable, transparent and non-abusive profit margins.
Regarding vehicle imports, eliminate all obstacles to imports, give priority to the import of electric vehicles, and, of course, develop charging stations.
I know there is justified concern about the partial dollarisation of the economy, inflation and the absence of many products in national currency. We are not going to ignore that problem. The business models we are authorising in foreign currency must contribute in a direct and verifiable way to an increase in foreign currency income that allows the maintenance of offers in national currency.
We must be more demanding about the use of digital payment platforms. We must expand wholesale and retail trade approvals, eliminating intermediaries, and definitely, we must apply electronic invoicing.
We must eliminate wage obstacles that prevent retaining talent and highly qualified labour in productive, export, technological, energy and agro-industrial sectors, and allow variable remuneration in CUP and foreign currency linked to verifiable results in exports, import savings, increases in productivity, innovation, energy availability or external sales.
Regarding digital government, public data and intelligent control, we must implement compulsory and progressive electronic invoicing for medium and large taxpayers; later advancing to MSMEs and self-employed workers, with simple tools adapted to real connectivity.
Modernise the National Statistical System and ONEI through digital capture of data from companies and entities, publication through artificial intelligence public service applications and protection of sensitive data.
We must use artificial intelligence to simplify procedures, process scanned documents, detect errors, validate files, authenticate documents and reduce administrative burdens.
We must improve the quality of services to the population, designing new approaches to each issue.
And we must seriously address a problem that affects the daily lives of millions of Cubans: solid waste collection. We will launch local projects to improve the collection, treatment and disposal of solid waste, in which, responsibly, those who impose the greatest burden on the system must also contribute more to sustaining it.
But this solution will not be only state-led; it will incorporate foreign investment into the non-state sector, the business system, communities and creative initiatives that help restore cleanliness, order and health to our cities and communities.
Comrades:
Cuba does not need more delays; it needs solutions. It is not about creating more offices or multiplying meetings, but about achieving concrete results.
Governing is about resolving, unblocking, accompanying and ensuring that decisions become real improvements, because creating in Cuba, investing in Cuba, working in Cuba and staying in Cuba also depend on the country being able to open paths, organise intelligently and support those who want to contribute.
Alongside economic opportunities, we will also promote concrete spaces for young people to act in their communities.
The Community Youth Network must be a way for a young person to find a place to train, to be employed, to serve their community and to turn an idea into a real project. This network must articulate useful initiatives in neighbourhoods: recovery of public spaces, support for vulnerable people, cultural and sporting activities, vocational and technology training, community communication, productive projects, local employment and support for young people at risk.
It is not about creating another structure or calling on young people only to receive guidance; it is about giving them capacities, tools, knowledge, responsibilities and real spaces to transform the place where they live; because staying in Cuba must also mean having a place to be useful, grow, learn, lead and build a future from the block, the school, the workplace and the municipality.
We know our country; we know where the obstacle is, where corruption hides, where slowness abounds and where shame and dignity are lacking.
Each measure we announce will have responsible parties, deadlines and indicators. We will report on what advances, what is not fulfilled and what needs to be corrected.
There will be things that, to protect them from those who want to sabotage them, we will have to treat with discretion. Martí already taught us that there are things that, to be achieved, must remain hidden, but discretion will never be a permission to hide something from the people.
As a people, we are not going to call on ourselves only to resist; we are going to call on ourselves to create, to produce, to decide, to oversee, to prosper and to transform, because what we start today is not done by a Government; we all do it or it doesn't get done: with the peasant who starts sowing again, with the MSME that dares, with the technician who installs the first panel, with the teacher, with the doctor, with the young person who decides to stay and bet on their land, with the Cuban residing abroad who extends a hand, with you, with me, with everyone.
We are not going to deny the problems, we are not going to defend bureaucracy, we are not going to close the door to talent, we are not going to abandon the vulnerable, and we are never going to allow the suffering of these people caused by the perverse imperialist blockade to be used against the sovereignty of the homeland (Applause).
Nothing will be impossible if we assume the challenge as an opportunity and history as inspiration!
Céspedes, Agramonte, Maceo, Gómez, Martí, Mella, Villena, Guiteras, Che, Camilo, Almeida, Fidel and Raúl, all our heroes, faced moments as difficult or more so, for their time, than those facing the new revolutionary generation today, and all emerged from those challenges with honour and glory, even those who fell in battle without living to see victory, because they bequeathed us lessons of courage that endure to this day, as was verified on 3 January this year when 32 Cuban combatants fell facing elite troops far superior in number and means.
No revolution has had it easy, and ours has dared to survive six decades of blockade, genocidal laws, hybrid warfare and a ladder of unilateral coercive measures that no other nation has endured or would endure for so long.
In the Centenary of the birth of Commander-in-Chief Fidel Castro and the 95th birthday of Army General Raúl Castro Ruz, the best tribute we can pay to the admirable work of our two historic leaders is to defend it and preserve its essence of social justice, amid the gale of predatory wars, threats of invasion and processes of neocolonisation that, like the seven-league giant, go across the sky swallowing worlds in these times.
We are all called, and together we will overcome.
Long live Free Cuba! (Exclamations of: "Long live!")
Long live the heroic Cuban people! (Exclamations of: "Long live!")
Long live the sovereignty of the Cuban nation! (Exclamations of: "Long live!")
Socialism or Death!
Homeland or Death!
We will overcome! (Exclamations of: "We will overcome!")